Administration of Tribal Areas and Tribal Policies

Colonial Legacy: The Administrative Framework Inherited at Independence

The administrative framework for tribal areas in postcolonial India inherited directly from British colonial structures. British policy oscillated between two approaches over its tenure in India. The first was the isolation policy, premised on the idea that tribal communities had distinct cultures that needed protection from the disruptive influence of plains society, traders, moneylenders, and missionaries. This resulted in the "backward tracts" of the Government of India Act 1919 and the excluded and partially excluded areas of the Government of India Act 1935, where ordinary law was suspended and gubernatorial discretion replaced legislative governance. The second was the penetration policy, especially after the 1857 uprising, by which the colonial state sought to bring tribal communities under uniform administrative control, extract revenue, exploit forest resources, and use tribal labour. In practice, neither policy delivered justice: isolation left tribes underdeveloped and vulnerable to internal exploitation; penetration exposed them to diku (outsider) appropriation of land, forests, and labour.

The three structural mechanisms of colonial dispossession were: the permanent settlement and zamindari system (which introduced private property rights over land that tribals held communally); the forest laws beginning with the Indian Forest Act 1865 and culminating in the Indian Forest Act 1927 (which vested control of forests in the colonial state, converting tribals into encroachers in their own home); and the introduction of moneylenders and traders into tribal areas (who, operating outside customary law, reduced tribals to debt bondage and land alienation). The nationalist movement recognized these grievances. The Constituent Assembly debates on tribal administration reflected sustained engagement with the Elwin-Ghurye debate over isolation versus integration, ultimately producing a differentiated constitutional framework.

The Foundational Policy Debate: Three Positions

Verrier Elwin's Isolation/Protection Position: Attributing tribal poverty not to isolation but to contact with the outside world, Elwin argued for the creation of a protective buffer around tribal communities, preserving their cultural autonomy and ensuring that development was on their own terms. His early position, articulated in "The Aboriginals" (1943), demanded restoration of forest rights, protection of tribal land, and regulation of external interventions. He criticized both Christian missionaries (for cultural disruption) and Hindu reformers (for making tribals ashamed of their traditions).

G.S. Ghurye's Assimilation Position: Ghurye regarded tribal communities as "backward Hindus" or "imperfectly integrated classes of Hindu society," arguing that their separateness was artificial and that integration into the mainstream Hindu social order was the appropriate path to development. He accused Elwin of deliberately separating tribals from Indian nationalism and enabling secessionist tendencies, especially in Northeast India where cultural isolation (he argued) had produced the conditions for insurgency.

Nehru's Integration with Autonomy Position (Tribal Panchsheel): Nehru rejected both forced isolation and forced assimilation. The Tribal Panchsheel, bearing Elwin's intellectual signature, articulated five principles of tribal policy: (1) Tribals should develop according to their own genius. Their own social and cultural institutions should be respected and only what is best in them should be changed. (2) Tribal rights in land and forests should be respected. (3) Tribal teams should be trained for administering and developing their own areas. The use of outside agencies for work in tribal areas should be minimized. (4) Tribal areas should not be overburdened with a multiplicity of schemes. Tribals should not be weaned away from their own arts, culture, and language. (5) Results should be judged not by statistics or the amount of money spent, but by the quality of human character developed. This became the normative foundation of Indian tribal policy after independence, even as actual practice diverged significantly from it.

Verrier Elwin in NEFA: Adviser for Tribal Affairs

After independence Verrier Elwin moved from advocacy to policy. He served as Deputy Director of the newly founded Anthropological Survey of India, became an Indian citizen in January 1954, and in the same year Nehru made him Adviser for Tribal Affairs to the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA, now Arunachal Pradesh), which the Governor of Assam then administered as agent of the President. From Shillong he toured the frontier divisions for a decade, advised the officers of the Indian Frontier Administrative Service and wrote Myths of the North-East Frontier of India (1958), The Art of the North-East Frontier of India (1959) and A Philosophy for NEFA, whose 1959 edition carried Nehru's foreword setting out the Tribal Panchsheel. He died in Delhi in February 1964.

Elwin's Philosophy for NEFA

Elwin rejected two extremes: keeping the frontier tribes in isolation, as if in a museum, and detribalising them into copies of plains society. His aim was to bring modern medicine, education and better farming to the frontier without destroying what was valuable in tribal life.

• Development along their own genius: change at a pace the people could absorb, with no imposition of plains dress, food habits or religion.
• Land and forest: tribal rights to land and forest protected, with the Inner Line of the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation 1873 keeping out traders, moneylenders, settlers and missionaries who lacked permits.
• Tribal institutions: administration through village councils such as the kebang of the Adi, and no over-administration.
• Language and culture: respect for local languages, weaving, crafts, dance and the village dormitory, and an effort to build pride in tribal culture.
• The right officers: a small cadre trained in tribal ways, judged, as the fifth Panchsheel principle put it, by the quality of life they fostered rather than by money spent.
• Integration, not isolation: the frontier people were to feel part of India through service and goodwill, not through cultural conversion.

Assessment: The NEFA policy turned the Panchsheel into practice and is credited with sparing Arunachal Pradesh the land alienation of central India and the armed insurgency of the Naga Hills. Critics called it paternalist and romantic: the cautious pace left roads, schools and administration thin, a weakness exposed during the Chinese invasion of 1962, and the restriction on outsiders was read by Hindu nationalists and some others as keeping the frontier apart from India. Ramachandra Guha's biography, Savaging the Civilized (1999), traces Elwin's shift from the protectionism of the 1930s to this integrationist position.

Constitutional Framework for Tribal Administration

Definitional Provisions

Article 366(25) defines "Scheduled Tribes" as such tribes or tribal communities, or parts of or groups within them, as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled Tribes. Article 342(1) empowers the President (after consultation with the Governor of the state) to specify by public notification which tribes shall be Scheduled Tribes in relation to each state or union territory. Article 342(2) empowers Parliament to include in or exclude from this list by law. The listing is thus a Presidential prerogative subject to Parliamentary amendment. The criteria for scheduling, established by the Lokur Committee (1965), are: primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact with the larger community, and backwardness. These criteria have been criticized as Orientalist and reifying, but continue to govern scheduling decisions.

The criteria for declaring an area as a "Scheduled Area" under the Fifth Schedule are: preponderance of tribal population; compactness and reasonable size of the area; a viable administrative entity such as a district, block, or taluk; and economic backwardness compared to neighbouring areas. Specification of Scheduled Areas is done by notified Presidential Order after consultation with the state government concerned.

Protective Constitutional Provisions

Several Articles provide protective safeguards to Scheduled Tribes directly. Article 15(1) prohibits state discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. Article 15(2) prohibits denial of access to public places on the same grounds. Article 17 abolishes untouchability (which, while primarily directed at Dalits, has relevance for tribal communities subjected to analogous forms of social exclusion). Article 23 prohibits traffic in human beings and begar (forced labour); the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act 1976 implemented this, significant because sizeable numbers of bonded labourers are tribal. Article 24 prohibits child labour in factories, mines, and hazardous employment. Article 25(2)(b) requires Hindu religious institutions of public character to be open to all classes. Article 46 (Directive Principle) directs the state to promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections, especially SCs and STs, and to protect them from social injustice and exploitation. Article 275(1) guarantees grants from the Consolidated Fund of India each year for promoting the welfare of STs and administering Scheduled Areas.

Specific protective legislation: The Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955, amended in 1976 and renamed the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955; the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 (effective 30 January 1990), enacted because atrocities on STs were not covered under the PCR Act.

Fifth Schedule (Article 244(1))

The Fifth Schedule applies to the administration and control of Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes in all states except Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Tripura. Ten states currently have Scheduled Areas: Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, and Rajasthan. Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, which have no Scheduled Areas but have ST populations, also have Tribal Advisory Councils by Presidential direction.

Role and powers of the Governor under the Fifth Schedule: The Governor of a state having Scheduled Areas is a constitutional trustee of tribal interests with the following specific powers: (1) Make regulations for the peace and good governance of any Scheduled Area, particularly to prohibit or restrict transfer of land by or among members of STs, regulate allotment of land to STs, and regulate moneylending to STs. (2) In making such regulations, the Governor may repeal or amend any Act of Parliament or the State Legislature applicable to the area. (3) Direct by public notification that any Act of Parliament or the State Legislature shall not apply to a Scheduled Area, or shall apply with exceptions and modifications. (4) Report annually (or whenever required by the President) on the administration of Scheduled Areas, the executive power of the Union extending to giving directions to the state on administration of the area.

In practice, Governors have rarely exercised their special powers. The Office of the Governor in scheduled area states has been reduced to an annual report-writing institution rather than a constitutional guardian. Laws like the Forest Conservation Act 1980 and the Wildlife Protection Act 1972, which have had devastating consequences for tribal forest rights, were applied in Scheduled Areas without gubernatorial modification, though the constitutional architecture permitted intervention.

Tribes Advisory Council (TAC): The TAC is mandated in all states having Scheduled Areas and may be established in states having STs but no Scheduled Areas on Presidential direction. Composition: not more than 20 members, of whom as nearly as possible three-fourths are representatives of STs in the state Legislative Assembly. The TAC advises the Governor on matters pertaining to the welfare and advancement of STs as referred to it by the Governor.

Structural barriers of the Fifth Schedule (identified by Xaxa Committee and Bhuria Commission): TACs were created without legislative or financial powers, unlike the Sixth Schedule Autonomous District Councils. TAC members have limited powers even over agenda-setting. Between 2005 and 2011, none of the TACs discussed tribal land alienation in their meetings. State Governments rather than Governors have framed TAC functioning rules, leading to usurpation by ruling political parties. Ambiguity over whether the Governor can act on his own discretion or only on advice of the Council of Ministers (which is elected from the majority community in most states) has effectively paralyzed the Fifth Schedule's protective architecture. The composition requirement leaves one-fourth membership unspecified, allowing governments to pack TACs with non-tribal officials.

Sixth Schedule (Articles 244(2) and 275(1))

The Sixth Schedule applies to the tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Tripura, providing substantially greater autonomy than the Fifth Schedule. Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) and Regional Councils are elected bodies with legislative, administrative, judicial, and financial powers. ADCs have up to 30 members. They can make laws on: management of land other than reserved forests; management of forests other than reserved forests; use of waterways; regulation of shifting cultivation; regulation of practice of moneylending; regulation of social customs. These laws are subject to the Governor's assent. ADCs are empowered to establish and manage primary schools, dispensaries, markets, cattle ponds, ferries, fisheries, roads, and waterways. They have judicial powers to try certain cases between tribal parties. The Sixth Schedule areas are the only parts of India where tribal communities exercise something approximating local legislative sovereignty. The contrast with the Fifth Schedule, where TACs are merely advisory, represents a fundamental asymmetry in the constitutional treatment of mainland versus northeastern tribal communities.

Key Committees and Commissions on Tribal Administration

Elwin Committee (1959): The first committee set up post-independence to examine the functioning of Multi-Purpose Development Blocks, the basic administrative unit for all tribal development programmes. Focused on the problem of administering development to isolated tribal communities.

U.N. Dhebar Commission (1960-61): Constituted to address the overall situation of tribal groups, including the issue of land alienation in tribal areas. The Dhebar Commission (named after former Congress President U.N. Dhebar) observed that despite constitutional protections, tribal land alienation had continued and in some respects intensified since independence. It recommended strengthening of the TAC mechanism and active gubernatorial intervention in Scheduled Areas. Its reports established that funds meant for tribal development were being diverted and that the Tribes Advisory Councils had been "emasculated" by state governments. It called for TACs to be given real powers and made responsible for approving tribal development plans.

Lokur Committee (1965): Set up to examine matters relating to the scheduling of groups as Scheduled Tribes. Delineated the five criteria for scheduling (primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact, backwardness) that continue to govern scheduling decisions. This remains the operative definitional framework despite extensive criticism of its Orientalist assumptions.

Shilu Ao Committee (1966): Like the Elwin Committee, addressed tribal development and welfare. Shilu Ao was the first Naga Chief Minister of Nagaland; his committee represented the integration of northeastern tribal leadership into the national administrative discourse.

Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) Approach (1974, Fifth Five Year Plan): The most significant shift in tribal development strategy in independent India. Recognizing that funds for tribal development were being absorbed into general state budgets rather than reaching tribal communities, the TSP mandated that funds at least proportional to the tribal population of a state (from both central and state budgets) be earmarked for tribal areas. The Integrated Tribal Development Projects (ITDPs) and Integrated Tribal Development Agencies (ITDAs) were created as administrative mechanisms for TSP implementation at the district and sub-district level. Despite increased allocations since the Fifth Plan, the condition of tribals did not improve proportionally, indicating that the problem was not merely resource allocation but structural exclusion.

Bhuria Committee (1994-95): Examined the extension of Panchayati Raj to Scheduled (tribal) Areas following the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. Its recommendations paved the way for the enactment of the PESA Act in 1996. The Bhuria Committee stressed that Panchayati Raj in tribal areas must be consonant with customary laws and traditional management practices of community resources.

Bhuria Commission (2002-2004): A wide-ranging examination of issues from the Fifth Schedule to tribal land and forests, health and education, working of Panchayats, and status of tribal women. Reinforced the Dhebar Commission's finding that constitutional protections were not being implemented and that the state was pursuing de facto assimilation under the cover of integration rhetoric.

Xaxa Committee (2013-2014): High Level Committee on Socio-economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities, set up by the Government of India in 2013 under the chairmanship of sociologist Virginius Xaxa, which reported in May 2014. Produced a comprehensive review of the condition of tribal communities and recommended: radical restructuring of TAC composition (replacing the ruling party majority with multi-party elected representatives and district panchayat chairpersons); transformation of TAC into a Tribes Advisory, Protective and Developmental Council with real powers; Governor's cell for Scheduled Tribes to assist in Scheduled Area administration; mandatory consultation with TAC before application of any new law or policy in Scheduled Areas; submission of mandatory Governor's Reports to the President with specific actions taken for tribal protection.

Bandopadhyay Committee and Mungekar Committee: More recent committees addressing respectively development and governance in Left-Wing Extremist areas (where the overlap with tribal areas is near-complete) and general issues of tribal administration and governance.

PESA Act 1996: Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment (1992) established the Panchayati Raj system but explicitly excluded Scheduled (Fifth Schedule) tribal areas from its purview. The PESA Act 1996 extended the Panchayati Raj system to these areas with special provisions that recognize tribal customary law and traditional governance. PESA mandated that state Panchayati Raj legislation for tribal areas shall be in consonance with customary law, social and religious practices, and traditional management practices of community resources. Gram sabhas (village assemblies of all adult voters) were constituted as units of self-governance with wide powers: approving plans and sanctioning expenditure; identifying beneficiaries of government schemes; certifying utilization of funds; managing minor water bodies; controlling minor forest produce; preventing alienation of land and restoring unlawfully alienated tribal land; regulating intoxicants; owning village markets; exercising control over money lending; overseeing institutions and functionaries in social sectors. Crucially, gram sabhas were to be consulted before land acquisition in Scheduled Areas.

Problems in PESA implementation: (1) State governments enacted conforming legislation that diluted PESA's intent, omitting fundamental principles such as the requirement that state panchayat laws be in consonance with customary law. (2) TACs, which are mandated to oversee PESA's functioning under the Fifth Schedule, were effectively marginalized, leaving PESA without constitutional supervision. (3) Two different central ministries (Ministry of Panchayati Raj and Ministry of Tribal Affairs) have overlapping responsibility for PESA without coordination. (4) The gram sabha consent provisions for land acquisition and forest diversion have been routinely circumvented: fake gram sabha meetings held with forged signatures (Mahan Coal Block, MP, 2013; Hasdeo-Aranya Coal Blocks, Chhattisgarh); meetings attended by government-selected participants rather than actual village residents. (5) The spirit of PESA requiring that development be consonant with tribal culture and customary management practices has been ignored in practice, with standard developmental projects imposed on tribal areas without reference to gram sabha consent.

Forest Rights Act 2006 (Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act)

The Forest Rights Act represents the most significant legislative acknowledgment that tribal communities were "historically wronged" by colonial and post-colonial forest law. The preamble explicitly recognized that forest-dwelling STs "who have been residing in such forests for generations" had their rights not recorded, creating a historical injustice that the Act sought to correct. The Indian Forest Act 1927 vested control of forests in the colonial state, making tribal communities encroachers in their own home. The Forest Conservation Act 1980 shifted decision-making from states to the centre but did not restore tribal rights. The Wildlife Protection Act 1972, as amended, created Protected Areas from which tribal communities were excluded.

Rights recognized under the FRA: Individual forest rights: right to hold and live in forest land for habitation or self-cultivation (up to 4 hectares for land cultivated before 13 December 2005). Community forest rights: right to protect, regenerate, conserve, and manage community forest resources; right to collect, use, and dispose of minor forest produce; right to in-situ rehabilitation in cases of displacement for conservation purposes; right to community tenure for habitat and habitation. Critical wildlife habitat provisions: relocation from critical wildlife habitats possible but only with free, prior, and informed consent of gram sabhas, after ensuring that the relocation is voluntary and the alternative land and facilities are provided before relocation.

Landmark case: Niyamgiri Hills (Vedanta): The Dongria Kondh, a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group of Odisha's Niyamgiri Hills, opposed Vedanta Aluminium Ltd.'s plan to mine bauxite in their sacred mountain. After two rounds of Supreme Court consideration and a National Environment Appellate Authority hearing, the Supreme Court on 18 April 2013 directed that the gram sabhas of the affected villages must consider whether the proposed mining would affect their community forest rights. The gram sabhas rejected the mining unanimously. This was a landmark application of the FRA's community consent provisions and demonstrated the legal force of gram sabha decisions when properly constituted and recorded. The Niyamgiri case became a template for FRA-based resistance to resource extraction.

Problems in FRA implementation: Forest departments have resisted recognition of individual and community claims, rejecting claims on technical grounds and continuing evictions. States have failed to constitute adequate Forest Rights Committees at the gram sabha level. Claims for community forest rights have been far less recognized than individual rights, despite community rights being central to the Act's intent. The FRA's requirement of free, prior, and informed consent has been systematically bypassed in clearances for mining, dams, and industrial projects. The Hasdeo-Aranya coal blocks case illustrates the gap: tribal communities and environmental activists alleged forged gram sabha resolutions in Salhi, Hariharpur, and Ghatbarra villages to secure forest clearances for Parsa and PEKB coal blocks, with over 96,000 trees officially felled since 2012 and activists claiming the real figure exceeds 1.5 lakh.

Tribal Sub-Plan, Special Central Assistance, and Article 275(1)

The Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) mandates that a proportion of plan funds (at least proportional to the ST share of population) be earmarked for tribal development within state plans. Special Central Assistance (SCA) to TSP provides additional funds from the centre. Article 275(1) guarantees grants from the Consolidated Fund of India for promoting ST welfare and administering Scheduled Areas through the Ministry of Tribal Affairs. Despite these funding mechanisms, the Dhebar Commission, Bhuria Commission, and Xaxa Committee all observed that tribal development funds were being diverted to non-tribal areas or absorbed into general administration, with poor accountability and weak monitoring. There was "a tendency for officials" to produce statistics of expenditure while tribal conditions failed to improve proportionally. The Fifth Five Year Plan-onwards increase in resource allocation has not been matched by proportional improvement in tribal development indicators.

Development Action Plan for Scheduled Tribes (DAPST)

DAPST is the present form of the central Tribal Sub-Plan. When the Union Budget dropped the distinction between Plan and Non-Plan spending in 2017-18, TSP earmarking by central ministries became the Scheduled Tribe Component (STC), governed by the DAPST guidelines of 2017.

• Earmarking: 41 central ministries and departments set aside a share of their scheme budgets for STs, following the differential earmarking proposed by the Narendra Jadhav Task Force (2010) rather than a flat population share.
• Scale: the allocations appear in Statement 10B of the Union Budget. The DAPST budget estimate has grown roughly fourfold, from about Rs 31,000 crore in 2017-18 to over Rs 1.25 lakh crore in 2025-26, spread across more than 200 schemes.
• Monitoring: the Ministry of Tribal Affairs tracks spending and physical outputs through an online STC monitoring system, and PM JANMAN and the Dharti Aaba Abhiyan are both funded from DAPST.
• States: states keep their own Tribal Sub-Plans, and Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka gave theirs statutory backing in 2013.

Assessment: DAPST has raised the size and visibility of tribal funds. Old weaknesses persist. Much of the allocation is notional, as in general road, power or housing schemes where the tribal share is only assumed, funds are not always spent in tribal areas or on tribal households, outcome data by community are thin, and there is no central law making the earmarking binding, which the Xaxa Committee recommended.

Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (2024)

Announced in the Budget Speech 2024-25, the scheme was approved by the Union Cabinet on 18 September 2024 as the Pradhan Mantri Janjatiya Unnat Gram Abhiyan and launched by the Prime Minister at Hazaribagh, Jharkhand, on 2 October 2024 as the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan, after Birsa Munda, remembered as Dharti Aaba (father of the earth). It extends the PM JANMAN saturation model from PVTG hamlets to all tribal-majority villages.

• Outlay: Rs 79,156 crore over five years (Central share Rs 56,333 crore, State share Rs 22,823 crore), drawn from the DAPST funds of the ministries.
• Coverage: about 63,000 tribal-majority villages and tribal villages in aspirational districts, more than 5 crore tribal people, 549 districts and 2,740 blocks in 30 states and union territories.
• Delivery: 25 interventions by 17 ministries, with villages mapped and progress monitored on the PM Gati Shakti portal.
• Targets: 20 lakh pucca houses, 25,000 km of roads, tap water and electricity for every eligible household, up to 1,000 mobile medical units, 1,000 hostels, 8,000 new or upgraded anganwadi centres, 1,000 tribal home stays, 100 Tribal Multipurpose Marketing Centres, Centres of Competence for sickle cell disease, and livelihood support for about 22 lakh Forest Rights Act patta holders.

Links to the Sustainable Development Goals: The Abhiyan's four goals (enabling infrastructure, economic empowerment, universal access to good education, and healthy lives with dignified ageing) map onto several SDGs.

• SDG 1 and SDG 11 (no poverty, sustainable communities): pucca houses with water, power and Ayushman Bharat cards.
• SDG 2 (zero hunger): anganwadis, nutrition gardens and support for farming, fisheries and livestock.
• SDG 3 (good health): mobile medical units, sickle cell diagnosis and the aim of national levels of infant and maternal mortality and immunisation.
• SDG 4 (quality education): hostels, upgraded ashram and residential schools and the aim of national enrolment ratios.
• SDG 6 and SDG 7 (water, energy): Jal Jeevan Mission taps, grid connections and off-grid solar.
• SDG 8 and SDG 9 (decent work, infrastructure): skilling, home stays, marketing centres, roads and mobile connectivity.
• SDG 10 and SDG 15 (reduced inequality, life on land): closing the gap between tribal and other villages, and forest-rights-based livelihoods that tie income to forest conservation.

Critique: The Abhiyan treats tribal development as a gap in services to be saturated and measures progress in houses, roads and connections. Identity, land security and Gram Sabha consent under PESA and the FRA sit at its margins, delivery depends on state capacity and on convergence across 17 ministries, and the money is largely existing DAPST allocation rather than new funds. Its value will depend on whether gram sabhas plan the interventions, in the spirit of the Panchsheel's warning against a multiplicity of schemes.

NCST: National Commission for Scheduled Tribes

The National Commission for Scheduled Tribes was created by the 89th Constitutional Amendment Act 2003, which amended Article 338 to separate the earlier combined National Commission for SCs and STs into two distinct bodies, adding a new Article 338A for the NCST. The NCST has the following duties and powers: investigate and monitor all matters relating to constitutional safeguards for STs; inquire into specific complaints with respect to deprivation of rights and safeguards; participate and advise on planning of socioeconomic development of STs; evaluate the working of safeguards; present annual reports to the President. The NCST has the powers of a civil court in investigating matters. It has addressed issues including wrongful exclusion from ST lists (particularly the demand by certain communities in Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, and other northeastern states), exclusion from ST status when members migrate to plains areas (a problem particularly acute in Assam where Sixth Schedule beneficiaries lose ST protections when they move to non-tribal areas), and the need for stronger implementation of PESA and FRA.

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs)

Within the broader category of Scheduled Tribes, 75 communities are identified as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (formerly Primitive Tribal Groups), characterized by pre-agricultural technology, very low levels of literacy, declining or stagnant population, and subsistence-level economy. These are the most marginalized tribal communities, including the Sentinelese (Andaman, with whom contact is prohibited under law), Shompen (Great Nicobar), Jarwa (Andaman), Onge (Little Andaman), Birhor (Jharkhand), Chenchu (Andhra Pradesh/Telangana), Korwa (Jharkhand/Chhattisgarh), Baiga (MP/Chhattisgarh), Hill Korba, and Saura/Saora (Odisha). PVTGs receive special attention through the Development of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups scheme, with 100% central funding for conservation-cum-development plans prepared for each PVTG.

PVTGs: From "Primitive" to "Particularly Vulnerable"

The category grew out of the Dhebar Commission (1960-61), which found that some tribes lagged far behind others. A sub-category of Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) was created during the Fourth Plan, 52 groups had been identified by the end of the Fifth Plan, and the list reached 75 in 1993-94. The criteria are a pre-agricultural level of technology, a stagnant or declining population, extremely low literacy and a subsistence economy. In 2006 the Government of India renamed them Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups. The old label was erroneous for four reasons:

• Evolutionist and pejorative: "primitive" assumed a ladder of cultural stages that anthropology had abandoned and presented living peoples as survivals from the past.
• Technology confused with culture: groups with simple tools have rich religion, kinship and ecological knowledge, as Elwin showed for the Saora and Rivers for the Toda, both now PVTGs.
• Wrong cause: their condition reflects vulnerability produced by land loss, forest laws, disease and neglect, not innate backwardness. The criteria themselves measure vulnerability, so the new name fits them.
• Uneven application: the list has not been revised since 1993-94, groups in similar conditions were left out, and some PVTGs have not been notified as Scheduled Tribes.

Recent Welfare Measures for PVTGs

Before 2023 PVTGs were served mainly by the fully centrally funded Development of PVTGs scheme with its Conservation-cum-Development plans, by Article 275(1) grants and by state micro projects, as in Odisha. Other measures include Eklavya Model Residential Schools, Van Dhan Vikas Kendras for minor forest produce, and habitat rights for PVTGs under Section 3(1)(e) of the Forest Rights Act 2006, which the Baiga of Dindori (Madhya Pradesh) were among the first to receive.

PM JANMAN: The Pradhan Mantri Janjati Adivasi Nyaya Maha Abhiyan was announced in the Budget Speech 2023-24, launched by the Prime Minister at Khunti (Jharkhand) on Janjatiya Gaurav Divas, 15 November 2023, and approved by the Union Cabinet on 29 November 2023. Its outlay is Rs 24,104 crore (Central share Rs 15,336 crore, State share Rs 8,768 crore) over three years, funded through the Development Action Plan for Scheduled Tribes. It covers the 75 PVTGs in 18 states and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands with 11 critical interventions through 9 ministries:

• Housing and roads: 4.90 lakh pucca houses and 8,000 km of connecting roads.
• Water and power: piped water to all PVTG habitations, community water supply for 2,500 hamlets of fewer than 20 households, grid electricity for 57,000 households and off-grid solar for 1 lakh households.
• Health and nutrition: 1,000 mobile medical units and 2,500 anganwadi centres.
• Education and skills: 500 hostels and vocational training in 60 aspirational PVTG blocks.
• Livelihood and connectivity: 500 Van Dhan Vikas Kendras, 1,000 multipurpose centres and mobile towers in 3,000 villages.

Critical assessment: PM JANMAN is the first mission aimed at PVTGs alone, and its habitation-level saturation targets suit groups living in scattered hamlets. But it is largely a convergence of existing infrastructure schemes, it depends on fresh baseline surveys because the Census does not enumerate many PVTGs separately, and uniform packages such as pucca houses may not suit forest-dependent or semi-nomadic groups like the Birhor. The National Advisory Council (2013) had warned that badly designed interventions can deepen PVTG vulnerability, so habitat rights, consent and culturally suited delivery matter as much as targets.

PVTGs of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands

Five of the 75 PVTGs live in the islands. Four are Negrito hunter-gatherers speaking Andamanese languages, and the fifth, the Shompen, is Mongoloid. Census 2011 counts are given in brackets.

• Great Andamanese (44): once some ten groups spread across Great Andaman, devastated after 1858 by the penal settlement, epidemics and the Andaman Homes, and resettled on Strait Island in 1970. Their languages are nearly extinct and most now speak Hindi.
• Onge (101): Little Andaman, settled at Dugong Creek and South Bay. Settlement and logging on their island from the late 1960s shrank their forest, and dependence on rations and alcohol has damaged their health.
• Jarawa (380): forests of South and Middle Andaman, hostile to outsiders until they began peaceful contact in 1997-98. The Andaman Trunk Road through their reserve brought poaching, disease and "human safaris", which the courts and the administration have repeatedly tried to curb.
• Sentinelese (15, estimated from a distance): North Sentinel Island, the only group that still rejects all contact.
• Shompen (229): semi-nomadic foragers and horticulturists of interior Great Nicobar, covered by a Shompen Policy (2015) and threatened by the Great Nicobar development project.

Protection of Aboriginal Tribes Regulation 1956: The Andaman and Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation 1956, made by the President under Article 240, declares tribal reserves, bars entry into them without a permit, and restricts land transfer, trade and other activities there. A 2012 amendment created a buffer zone around the Jarawa reserve and made photographing or filming the Jarawa for tourism an offence. The administration's Jarawa policy (2004) and Shompen policy follow minimal intervention, respecting the groups' choice of isolation. The Nicobarese, the largest tribe of the islands, are not a PVTG.

B.K. Roy Burman and the Buffer Zone Concept

Bikram Keshari Roy Burman, described by S.C. Dube as a "walking encyclopedia," was one of the most influential Indian anthropologists in the policy domain. He developed the concept of a "buffer zone" as an administrative and developmental strategy for tribal areas: a transitional administrative space between the tribal homeland and the non-tribal world, within which the pace and character of change is controlled and managed by tribal communities themselves rather than imposed by the state or market. The buffer zone concept was an attempt to operationalize Nehru's Tribal Panchsheel in spatial and administrative terms, providing protection without isolation. Roy Burman contributed extensively to policy debates on tribal demography, land rights, and northeast India, and served on numerous official committees.

Critical Assessment: Protection vs Development Contradiction

The fundamental tension in tribal administration since independence has been between the constitutional mandate to protect tribal land, forests, culture, and self-governance, and the development state's demand for tribal land, forests, water, and minerals to fuel industrial growth. Tribal areas of peninsular and central India (Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh) contain a disproportionate share of India's mineral and forest wealth while housing some of the poorest populations: in 2004-05, the proportion of tribal people below the poverty line was 54.2% in Jharkhand and 75.6% in Odisha. The overcoming of tribal "isolation" through large-scale mining, industrial, and infrastructure projects in these states has not resolved poor development indicators. Rather, it has led to further impoverishment and vulnerability. The Xaxa Committee concluded that what the state has actually pursued in tribal areas (outside Northeast India) is assimilation rather than integration, in contradiction to the Panchsheel. Protective measures are violated by the very state charged with enforcing them: laws and rules are manipulated and subverted to accommodate corporate interests; tribal protests are met with state paramilitary and corporate private security. The contradiction between development and protection in tribal administration remains unresolved, making it the central political anthropological question of postcolonial India.

NGOs, Missionaries and Tribal Development

Voluntary organisations work where the state is thin. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs funds them through grants-in-aid to voluntary organisations working for STs, and since the Companies Act 2013 (Section 135) corporate social responsibility funds also reach tribal areas through them. Their roles fall into four types.

• Service delivery: health and schooling in remote hamlets. SEARCH (Abhay and Rani Bang) in Gadchiroli developed home-based newborn care by trained village health workers, a model later taken up by the National Health Mission, and Jan Swasthya Sahyog runs community health work among tribal villages near Bilaspur.
• Livelihood and organisation: PRADAN organises tribal women into self-help groups in Jharkhand and Odisha, Seva Mandir works among the Bhil villages of southern Rajasthan, and many NGOs help gram sabhas file community forest rights claims.
• Rights and advocacy: Ekta Parishad's land-rights marches (Janadesh 2007, Jan Satyagraha 2012), legal aid against land alienation and fake gram sabha resolutions, and support for movements such as the Dongria Kondh campaign in Niyamgiri.
• Research and mediation: surveys, social audits and training of panchayat members under PESA, and linking communities with government departments, banks and companies. In this way NGOs facilitate other stakeholders, carrying schemes to people and people's demands to the state.

Tribal women: NGO interventions for tribal women include self-help groups and federations that give access to credit and a public voice, training of women as health workers and paralegals, campaigns against witch-hunting led by survivors such as Chutni Mahato of Jharkhand (Padma Shri 2021), help in securing joint pattas under the Forest Rights Act, and action against the trafficking of tribal girls as domestic workers.

Missionaries in Central India: Christian missions were the earliest voluntary agencies among the tribes of Chotanagpur, Odisha and Madhya Pradesh. They built schools and hospitals, reduced tribal languages to writing, ran cooperatives (J.B. Hoffmann's credit society among the Munda, 1909) and fought land cases, creating an educated tribal elite. They also split villages into converts and non-converts. The Niyogi Committee (Madhya Pradesh, 1956) alleged conversion by inducement, and Odisha (1967) and Madhya Pradesh (1968) passed freedom of religion laws. The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (founded 1952 at Jashpur) runs schools and hostels with the declared aim of countering conversion, so tribal welfare in central India became a field of religious competition.

Limits:

• Dependence on donor and CSR money, short project cycles and little continuity.
• Uneven accountability, urban and non-tribal leadership, and the risk of replacing tribal institutions instead of strengthening them.
• Charges of proselytisation against both Christian and Hindu bodies, and tighter control of foreign funding after the FCRA amendment of 2020.
• Co-option by the state as contractors for schemes, which blunts their watchdog role.

The Panchsheel principle that outside agencies should be used sparingly, and tribal teams trained instead, still sets the test: NGOs help most when they strengthen gram sabhas and tribal organisations rather than substitute for them.